992 WAKE FOREST LAW REVIEW [Vol. 42
normally again. The professor catches on fast and assists Will in
dealing with his legal problems, partly because he hopes to cultivate
Will’s talent. Perhaps one subtle message in the film is that society
and potential employers are willing to overlook the past offenses of
individuals who have something extraordinary to offer, such as
brains, beauty, writing, acting, or athletic ability. The ordinary
person with a criminal record, however, is unlikely to be as
fortunate as the mathematical genius portrayed in Good Will
Hunting; rather, he is more likely to carry the stigma of a criminal
conviction like a proverbial scarlet letter
2
and encounter a myriad of
barriers to employment.
This Article surveys recent adverse employment action cases
based on employees’ criminal convictions. The various formulations
of anti-discrimination legislation adopted by Hawaii, Wisconsin,
Pennsylvania, and New York are analyzed and compared.
3
The
2. See Ben Geiger, The Case for Treating Ex-Offenders as a Suspect Class,
94 C
AL. L. REV. 1191, 1200 (2006) (analogizing having a criminal record to
wearing a “digital scarlet letter”); Devah Pager, Double Jeopardy: Race, Crime,
and Getting a Job, 2005 W
IS. L. REV. 617, 617–22 (discussing the stigma of
conviction as a negative credential, and noting that unemployment rates for ex-
offenders range from 25–40%, almost two-thirds of those incarcerated will be
charged with new crimes after release, and the incarceration rate for young
black men is at 28% and this percentage rises to over 60% for those young black
men who are high school dropouts).
3. This Article primarily focuses on employment issues in the private
sector and does not deal with employment license restrictions for those with
criminal convictions, or the many other collateral consequences of conviction
such as loss of the right to vote, serve on a jury or in the armed forces, hold
federal office or employment, work for a labor union or pension plan, participate
in federal contracts or programs, or receive benefits under various federal
programs (such as Social Security, public housing, or educational loans). Nor
does this Article deal with privacy issues relating to criminal offender record
systems. For a discussion of employment licensing issues, see Miriam J.
Aukerman, The Somewhat Suspect Class: Towards a Constitutional Framework
for Evaluating Occupational Restrictions Affecting People with Criminal
Records, 7 J.L. S
OC’Y 18, 22–24, 85 (2005) (focusing on occupational restrictions
and recommending treatment of those with criminal records as a suspect class
due to their lack of political power and the history of prejudice and
discrimination in law based upon criminal records); Brian K. Pinaire, Milton J.
Heumann, & Jennifer Lerman, Barred from the Bar: The Process, Politics, and
Policy Implications of Discipline for Attorney Felony Offenders, 13 V
A. J. SOC.
P
OL’Y & L. 290, 292, 328–29 (2006) (discussing state statutory restrictions on
former felony offenders in a range of trades and professions including barbers,
nurses, and attorneys, and noting the American Bar Association’s assessment
that the “crazy-quilt” of state and federal laws impedes re-entry of offenders).
For a discussion of laws imposing collateral consequences on those with
criminal records, see O
FFICE OF THE PARDON ATTORNEY, U.S. DEP’T OF JUSTICE,
FEDERAL STATUTES IMPOSING COLLATERAL CONSEQUENCES UPON CONVICTION