Even in these emergencies, under the ICCPR's Article 4.2 governments remain legally obligated to uphold basic
human rights -- like the prohibitions against murder, torture, slavery or discrimination. Nor can they suspend rights
solely for groups defined by race, color, sex, language, religion or social origin.
But dictatorships
don't
always pay attention to the legal limits
of martial law
During states of emergency, dictatorships are more likely to violate both kinds of rights. That's not true in well-
functioning democracies, where institutional checks keep security forces in line. If these checks are eroded, human-
rights abuses are more likely to increase. For example, in the Philippines, Duterte arrested a member of the
opposition party, Sen. Leila de Lima, on drug charges denied by supporters and human-rights organizations.
During states of emergency, human-rights monitors and other observers have a harder time tracking the
government's behavior. Indeed, the Philippine military announced that it would censor the press and social media
during the emergency. That's serious. Without monitoring and documentation, how can governments be held
accountable for human-rights abuses? Duterte recently joked about his soldiers raping civilians and threatened to
eat the livers of terrorists. To date, human-rights groups have accused Duterte of responsibility for more than 7,000
deaths by government forces and vigilantes in his ongoing drug war.
What are the consequences of unchecked states of emergency?
Repressive governments can use states of emergency to prevent voters, courts, the opposition and the international
community from overseeing or challenging the president's power. For instance, Duterte has jailed his political
opponents on thin pretexts, forced the independently-elected vice president from his cabinet and blasted the
Catholic Church and other institutions for "hypocrisy."
In Turkey, Erdogan called for and won a referendum that gave him sweeping new powers, including the ability to
appoint ministers and government officials and to name half the members of the highest court. On May 21, Erdogan
announced that Turkey's state of emergency would continue indefinitely.
Of course, when the executive grabs such powers, quashing free speech, free association and other political rights,
civil society has an even harder time checking executive power. Once the opposition loses its political rights,
democracy can rapidly erode -- and the executive can extend the state of emergency well beyond the original crisis.
What might prevent an authoritarian power grab?
Monitoring bodies that oversee U.N. human rights agreements are critical. So are reports by outside human- rights
organizations like Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch, which can offer the evidence needed to hold
human-rights violators responsible.
Leaders who are protecting their citizens' rights and freedoms have no reason to worry about a robust civil society.
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